Child labor in DRC mines is carried out under dangerous conditions, exposing children to fatal injuries and diseases.

The Grim Reality of Child Exploitation in DRC

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As global demand for resources like gold, diamonds, cobalt, coltan, tin, and tungsten fuels technological advancements, the children of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) bear the brunt of the costs. In the country’s dangerous artisanal mines, an estimated 40,000 children are forced into hazardous labor, earning as little as 1,000-2,000 Congolese Francs (roughly less than US$ 2) a day.

Robbed of their childhood and education, they labor in hazardous conditions to extract the minerals essential for the world’s technology. These resources are vital in producing smartphones, electric cars, televisions, and other electronics, making Congo a prime target for capitalist exploitation. With an estimated US$ 24 trillion worth of minerals, the DRC has become synonymous with child exploitation and humanitarian crises. While the world reaps the benefits of Congo’s natural wealth, its children bear the brunt of this greed. Amid endless crises, children toil in dangerous pits with only picks, shovels, and bare hands.

Fourteen-year-old Paul (name changed) recounts his routine on one of the artisanal mining grounds: “I would spend 24 hours down in the tunnels. I arrived in the morning and would leave the following morning.” This is the harsh reality faced by countless Congolese children whose childhoods are stolen in the pursuit of resources buried deep within the earth.

Global human rights bodies have documented how Congolese mine workers especially children are not only made to work in slave-like conditions but also experience serious rights violations including sexual violence, and beatings. In some instances, multinational companies have driven out communities from their homes and lands. 

The colonial roots

While global demand drives this exploitation, the Congolese government and its institutions share responsibility. Their failure to protect children from such inhumane conditions continues these injustices. However, its history is marred by the exploitation of these resources. From the colonial period under King Leopold II, when Congo’s rubber was extracted at the cost of millions of lives, to the present-day scramble for minerals like cobalt and coltan, the exploitation has never ceased.

The current clash between the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and the M23 rebel group has further deepened the crisis, displacing at least 150,000 people, including 78,000 children. These events are a direct violation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which protects children from violence, exploitation, and neglect and guarantees their right to education, health, and a clean environment. The Democratic Republic of Congo signed and ratified the CRC in 1990.

These minerals, essential for modern electronics, fuel violence and suffering today. Children, some as young as seven, are forced into mining, often working in dangerous conditions for little or no pay. The impact on their health, education, and overall well-being is devastating. Despite the DRC developing a national action plan in 2011 to eliminate the worst forms of child labor, over a decade, the plan has yet to be officially adopted.

However, to grasp Congo’s present turmoil, you must look at its colonial past. From 1885 to 1908, Congo was the personal property of King Leopold II, who ruled it as his private estate. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, European powers and the United States marked Congo as a “free” state—free for foreign exploitation, not its people. This designation meant that while Congo’s resources were open for foreign extraction and trade, its people remained enslaved and colonized under brutal conditions. Eventually, Leopold was forced to cede control to the Belgian state in 1908. However, the exploitation persisted, merely shifting from the hands of an individual tyrant to institutional forces.

Congo’s first elected Prime Minister and an anti-capitalist leader Patrice Lumumba was a key figure in the fight against colonialism. His brutal assassination in 1961, carried out with the collusion of Congolese leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko and foreign powers, marked the moment Congo’s leaders abandoned the fight for true independence. Instead of upholding sovereignty and freedom, they aligned with foreign interests for personal gain. This action, driven by greed and power, has sustained the suffering that weighs heaviest on Congo’s most vulnerable—its children.

Mobutu ruled for 32 years, initially with Western support, until he fell out of favor for trying to nationalize Congolese companies. His downfall, triggered by a rebellion backed by Rwanda and Uganda, left Congo still reeling under external manipulation and internal corruption. After expelling these influences, Laurent Kabila overthrew Mobutu in 1997, starting the Second Congo War. Following his assassination, his son Joseph Kabila ascended to power, solidifying an alliance with Israeli businessman Dan Gertler, who secured a monopoly over Congo’s diamond exports. Gertler, under the guise of philanthropy, extended his influence to control nearly 10 percent of the world’s cobalt production by 2012—a venture tainted by corruption and severe human rights abuses, including the use of forced and child labor in Congo’s mines.

In 2017, Gertler was sanctioned by the United States under the Global Magnitsky Act for his corrupt dealings, with the US Treasury blacklisting 14 entities associated with him. Between 2010 and 2012 alone, Congo lost approximately $1.3 billion in revenue, diverted into Gertler’s offshore accounts.

Today, China owns most of the companies operating in Congo. Given the unspoken rivalry between the US and China, direct trade is unlikely. Still, the US is reportedly considering easing Gertler’s sanctions and investing in Congo’s minerals, which are crucial for technology and AI development. With the UAE securing a $1.9 billion mining deal with Congo, Congolese minerals could be routed through the UAE to reach American markets indirectly. Meanwhile, global and regional players like Rwanda and Uganda turn a blind eye to the 40,000 children forced to work in the mines.

Impact on the young

The Congolese government’s inability to regulate these mining activities worsens the situation. These children are not just losing their childhood but their future. Many also suffer from psychological trauma due to the harsh working conditions and the constant threat of violence.

“Most Congolese don’t have a smartphone to document the atrocities committed against them. They trust that the community and organizations like the United Nations and Human Rights Watch have documented these atrocities.” Gaëtan-Dauphin Nzowo of Friends of Congo says. This is sadly ironic for a country where most of the resources for technological advancements come from.

The International Labour Organization (ILO) has condemned the Congolese government’s failure to protect its children, a failure that continues to this day. Specific instances of self-sabotage, such as the misuse of funds meant for social programs or connections with mining companies, directly harm children. For example, investigations have revealed that some officials accept bribes to overlook illegal mining operations that employ children. This corruption runs deep, infecting the institutions meant to protect the children. Instead of upholding justice, the judiciary has been known to abuse its power by unjustly sentencing whistleblowers and journalists who dare to expose corruption. Such actions stifle the truth and allow abuse to continue unchallenged.

The military, too, is guilty of undermining itself. Rather than defending the children in the eastern provinces from the predations of rebel groups like M23, soldiers defect to join these very groups because of economic gain, leaving children unprotected.

Children have also borne the brunt of a devastating humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo due to conflicts. Faced with extreme poverty, hunger, and disease, displaced children as young as five years old are being put to work to help support their parents. Video: UNHCR

Just as colonial powers once exploited Congo’s resources under the guise of investment and development, neocolonialism continues to maintain the same power dynamics. Foreign entities extract vast wealth from the country, leaving behind environmental degradation and social disarray. The parallels between past and present exploitation are clear: both prioritize profit over people, with children being the most vulnerable victims. Many of these foreign buyers also neglect to assess their supply chains or follow the due diligence guidelines set by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Without intervention, Congo risks a crisis that threatens the very future of the DRC. The long-term impacts are clear: a generation of uneducated, traumatized individuals who will be unable to contribute to the rebuilding of their nation. However, change must begin with the Congolese people themselves. The Congolese government and its Ministry of Mines, responsible for regulating mining activities and enforcing laws, must step up efforts alongside international partners like the ILO and UNICEF. They need to implement stricter labor protections and immediately protect children by creating more designated artisanal mining zones (ZEAs) and regularizing unauthorized mining areas.

Political instability presents serious barriers; hence, success will depend on collaboration with local communities and civil society organizations advocating for child protection and stronger supervision.

A reflection to act

The government must ensure that all children have access to free and compulsory primary education and provide the necessary support to reintegrate those who have been removed from child labor back into the school system. However, the Congolese government often struggles to enforce such regulations due to economic dependence on mining revenue. This power imbalance allows multinational companies involved in the cobalt supply chain to operate with minimal accountability.

Therefore, external supervision from international bodies and third-party audits is essential to ensure that companies conduct thorough due diligence and are held accountable for any human rights abuses. Without external pressure or sanctions, it is unlikely that companies will voluntarily undertake meaningful remedial actions.

As a result, this fight cannot be won by the government alone. It requires a collective effort from all Congolese citizens. Communities must hold their leaders accountable, demand transparency, and actively participate in creating a safer and more just society for their children. The global community can assist, but true change will only come when Congolese citizens push for reforms to enforce existing child labor laws, which are often neglected due to political instability and corruption, and prioritize the welfare of their children over the profits of a few.

The Congolese people must confront a harsh truth: actual change requires self-reflection and external accountability. Internal corruption certainly plays a role in the ongoing exploitation, and these issues are deeply connected with the political and economic forces that have plagued Congo since colonial times. Foreign interests and international corporations have long benefited from the country’s resources, creating an environment where corruption thrives.

Any genuine effort to protect Congo’s children must, therefore, address both the internal failures of leadership and the external pressures that have perpetuated this exploitation for decades. Only through a collective effort within and beyond Congo can a future be built where children are truly protected and valued.

Benita Ikpeamar

Benita holds a BSc in Sociology and focuses on advocating for those often overlooked in society. She covers critical issues such as social justice, gender equality, sustainability, and climate action to inspire meaningful conversations and drive policy changes. When not writing, she’s either absorbed in a book, tuned into a podcast, or improving her French and German skills on Duolingo.

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