An in-depth analysis of the growing disillusionment of Kenya’s youth with the country’s governance system – shifting the focus away from the traditional narrative of inter-ethnic tensions, highlighting systemic issues, economic inequality, and a lack of political accountability as key drivers of their dissatisfaction.
Despite the 2022 general elections in Kenya being deemed notably peaceful for the first time, the political scene in the country has since been rife with unrest, marked by accusations of electoral misconduct and disputes regarding the validity of elected officials. Opposition factions, spearheaded by Raila Odinga of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition, have vehemently voiced their discontent with the ruling administration. Various cabinet members have faced allegations ranging from corruption to murder and forged educational credentials.
The East African country has also been grappling with soaring inflation and cost of living has surged, rendering life challenging for many Kenyans. Youth unemployment rates remain alarmingly high, contributing to widespread disillusionment, frustration, and unrest among the younger population.
It is in this context that the Kenya Finance Bill 2024 ignited a profound political and civil unrest across the country, primarily driven by young demonstrators especially by the Generation Z— the term generally used to describe people born during the late 1990s and early 2000s. The bill proposed substantial tax hikes on critical goods and services, including internet data, fuel, vehicles, and bank transactions, justified by the government as necessary to manage national debt. However, for many Kenyans already burdened by a high cost of living, these measures were seen as punitive and unjust.
The protests began on 18 June 2024, following the public release of the bill and quickly spread from the capital Nairobi to other parts of the country. Despite government resistance and attempts to quell the unrest, the protests intensified, leading to violent clashes including deaths and destruction of property.
Kenya’s Generation-Z emerged as a transformative force in the political arena, characterized by proactive engagement, digital fluency, and a commitment to social justice. Their activism is driven by a strong desire for transparency, accountability, and inclusivity in governance, pushing these issues into the national discourse and compelling political leaders to respond.
#RejectFinanceBill2024 Protests
The #RejectFinanceBill2024 movement in Kenya emerged as a potent force driven by social media. It began with a tweet from journalist and media law expert Alenga Torosterdt on 14 May 2024, advocating against the Finance Bill 2024[1]. His call to action quickly gained traction, resonating with frustrated Kenyans.
The movement gained momentum, amplifying the hashtag across various social media. This digital activism spurred citizens to mobilize, urging their representatives to reject the bill through persistent online campaigns and direct outreach.
On 12 June 2024, during a televised interview on Jeff Koinange’s Live Show, public figures including comedian Timothy Kimani (Njugush), Eric Omondi, lawyer Fanya Mambo Kinuthia, and political analyst Barack Muluka passionately discussed the implications of the Finance Bill. This broadcast intensified public engagement, prompting citizens to share their MPs’ contact details online to advocate for their opposition to the bill.
However, the Office of the Data Protection Commission cautioned against the unauthorized sharing of personal information, amid complaints from MPs about overwhelming public pressure via calls and messages.
Critics of the Finance Bill argued that its provisions disproportionately burdened low- and middle-income families, exacerbating economic inequality and straining household budgets already reeling from high inflation rates. Despite widespread public protests and criticism, President William Ruto urged Parliament on 20 June 2024, to pass the bill, emphasizing its role in funding crucial national development projects. But this stance drew rebuttals from opposition figures like Minority Leader Opiyo Wandayi, who advocated for reconsideration through a supplementary budget rather than further burdening citizens.
The youth demonstrations
Protests against the Finance Bill 2024 escalated into widespread street demonstrations, marking a significant moment of public dissent and political agitation. Indeed, the protests morphed into a multifaceted expression of dissatisfaction, beyond government’s fiscal policies, to get questioning the leadership of President William Ruto (see Gen-Z non-negotiable demands).
Beyond digital fluency and activism Gen Z leadership showed strong communication skills and capacity to reflect the grievances of different population’s categories, eventually connecting with pre-existing political revindications by the opposition.
Beginning on 18 June 2024, in Nairobi’s Central Business District (CBD), the protests were punctuated by chants demanding “Ruto must go. The demonstrations, initially peaceful, were met with a heavy-handed response from anti-riot police, who used tear gas and made over 200 arrests, including journalists. This crackdown drew sharp criticism from civil society, including the Law Society of Kenya (LSK), which condemned the arrests as a violation of citizens’ rights.
Across the country, protests spread to major cities like Mombasa, Kisumu, and Eldoret, eventually encompassing 43 of Kenya’s 47 total counties with women playing a prominent role in these demonstrations.
On June 25, tensions peaked as demonstrators breached parliament security during the #OccupyParliament protests in Nairobi. Protesters entered the parliament compound, vandalized property, and set fire to sections of the building, forcing legislators to evacuate. The breach prompted a significant government response, with the deployment of Kenya Defence Forces under constitutional provisions to aid the overwhelmed National Police Service.
President Ruto acknowledged the protests during a church service, expressing pride in the youth’s democratic engagement while promising dialogue and reform. However, the Director of Public Prosecutions warned protesters of legal consequences for unlawful actions, highlighting the government’s stance on maintaining order amid civil unrest.
Gen Z leadership did not take the dialogue’s olive branch tended by President Ruto and asked for his immediate action on their claims. They were adamant about refusing ways of coopting them in direct negotiations without concrete actions being taken by the government. Hence their continued street mobilization throughout the end of June and July 2024.
Police brutality, press repression & the Church
There were some notable concerns regarding the police actions on the June 18 demonstration. It seemed that there had been an increase in the use of plainclothes police, who blended into the crowds to identify individuals believed to be heading to the anti-tax bill protests. According to reports, hundreds of peaceful and unarmed protesters were apprehended in this manner. The protests were marked by solidarity and grassroots support, with Kenyans raising Ksh. 20 million to aid injured demonstrators, countering government claims that foreign powers were funding the unrest.
The Media Council of Kenya (MCK) condemned attacks on journalists by police during the demonstrations, and asked the Inspector General of Police to rein in his officers and prevent further harassment of journalists.
The Inter-religious Council of Kenya supported the youth protesting the Finance Bill and condemned the excessive use of force by police. They urged President William Ruto not to sign the Bill, which was due for a third reading in parliament. The National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) also supported the protests and called for action against police misconduct and challenged both parliament and the executive to recognize the public’s clear opposition to the Bill. The Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops (KCCB) urged the government to listen to Kenyans’ voices and engage in dialogue. Similarly, the National Cohesion and Integration Commission’s (NCIC) Chair Samuel Kobia called on the youth anti-Finance Bill protestors to uphold peace during their planned demonstration.
Kenyan politicians have historically sought the support of churches for assistance in raising funds for development projects, and to address their constituents on certain difficult or national issues. This trend of using church podiums for political leverage has now come under heavy scrutiny by church leaders and congregants, following a stun warning by Gen Z protestors for the church to be depoliticized. Gen Z also promised to occupy churches to ensure no politician used places of worship to display opulence and contempt.
Widespread condemnations
HAKI Africa and Amnesty International denounced the use of force by police against Kenyans, noting that 3 individuals were injured after tear gas canisters were fired against them, 4 people were shot with rubber bullets, and 13 were shot with live ammunition on June 25. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres raised concerns over the violence witnessed in the country and urged the government to stop further harm and death of innocent young Kenyans. The African Union Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights criticized President William Ruto’s tax measures, urging alternative solutions to protect citizens’ socio-economic well-being. The World Medical Association voiced concerns over the protests, urging unhindered access for healthcare providers amid escalating tensions.
On July 2nd the Office of the Prime Cabinet Secretary and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a communication to all Heads of Diplomatic Missions in Kenya which acknowledged the youth’s concerns on unemployment, high cost of living, perceived political neglect, and limited opportunities, while not mentioning anything about the police heavy-handed reaction. In a perceived defensive approach, the Communication highlighted the burden faced by the government with the African countries debt crisis, the COVID-19 consequences, the geo-economic tensions and the disruption of supply chains caused by the Ukraine and Gaza wars and alluded to the government’s dilemma over “servicing the debt or serving its people”. It reassured the international partners that Kenya will keep fulfilling its international obligations, but also called on the shared belief that Kenya’s geo-strategic location implies that its stability largely contributes to regional interdependence for mutual benefit.
Saba Saba is a historic day for Kenya commemorating street protests on 7 July 1990, in demand of free, democratic elections. The 2024 Saba Saba Day has taken a new direction to commemorate Kenyans killed during anti- government protests. Activists organized a march to honor them, and a memorial concert was set to be held at Uhuru Park in Nairobi by activist Boniface Mwangi and other top Kenyan artists.
Ruto’s tough decisions
In response to the escalating situation, President Ruto announced the withdrawal of the Finance Bill on 26 June 2024, after the protestors stormed the parliament. However, the protests did not cease as the youth continued to mobilize online and, in the streets, driven by broader grievances against unemployment, corruption, and the high cost of living, highlighting the deep-seated discontent among the younger generation. The Finance Bill intended to raise US$2.7 billion — most of it from tax increases — to pay off debt. President Ruto instead offered a compromise: a plan to cut US$1.39 billion from the budget and borrow the difference.
On July 5, he ordered significant cuts in the budget along with other government reforms to pay off a crushing debt burden in a move seen as a concession to popular disapproval of the Finance Bill. Specifically, he stated that his government would eliminate 47 state corporations with overlapping or duplicative functions and reduce by 50% the number of government advisors, among many other actions including suspending the filling of positions of chief administrative secretaries, suspending the purchase of new motor vehicles, and withholding government funds for the operations of the offices of the first lady, the spouses of the deputy president and of the prime cabinet secretary.
Following the rejection of the Finance Bill hailed as a major triumph for protestors, Gen Z activists redirected their focus towards President Ruto’s cabinet. Accusing it of incompetence and corruption, they adamantly called for its dissolution—a bold demand that initially seemed implausible. However, in a surprising turn of events, President Ruto acquiesced, announcing the dismissal of his entire cabinet on 11 July 2024. This decision marked a significant shift in Kenya’s political landscape, highlighting the potency of youth activism and its capacity to instigate tangible governmental change.
Similarly, President Ruto acquiesced to other demands such as the quick reestablishment of the Independent Election and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). On July 7, for the very first time outside the State House, the President assented to the IEBC Bill, setting the stage for the appointment of the chairperson and commissioners of the electoral body ahead of Kenya’s 2027 election. Ruto’s challenger in the 2022 presidential poll, former PM Raila Odinga, who was present for the signing of the bill at the Kenya International Conference Centre, said resolving electoral justice will help unite Kenya in future elections. “A divided electoral Commission was a shame to us as a country,” Raila said, in reference to the previous IEBC.
On their side, Gen Z activists on July 23 issued an Urgent Application & Constitutional Petition to the High Court of Nairobi, based on art 1, 3, 99, 148 and 193 of the Kenya Constitution dealing with the termination of the tenures of elected officials who violate the Constitution, abuse power or turn out to be incompetent. The Petition is addressed specifically against President Ruto and Deputy President Gachagua but also towards the entire National Assembly, the Senate and the leadership of other Constitutional organs. Despite the Constitution’s provisions for the termination of President’s tenure only apply on grounds of incapacity (Art 144) or impeachment (Art 145), both by Parliament vote, the Petition undoubtedly carries a powerful message in terms of communication and respect for constitutional means of protest.
On July 19, President Ruto made public his final list of nominees for the positions of a new Cabinet. The reappointment of Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi and the inclusion of opposition (ODM) politicians in the cabinet were seen by many as a disregard for Gen Z’s demands for accountability in governance. Critics, especially within Gen Z, expressed disappointment, arguing that the appointments did not reflect the integrity and clean track records they had hoped for, given that some of the nominees had been involved in past legal controversies. President Ruto, on August 13, made an appeal to leaders from various political affiliations to support ongoing efforts to unite Kenyans for the sake of unity and transformation, urging that it is more important than personal political interests of leaders.
Call for dialogue
In response to the rounds of protest, and after having proposed a Multi-Sectoral Forum with 100 selected members of the population, and following its rejection by Gen Z activists, President Ruto agreed to hold an X-space consultation on 4 July hoping for a dialogue with Gen Z to address the issues raised and to forge a new, inclusive and sustainable path for all Kenyans.
Further on July 15, President Ruto announced a six-day multi-sectoral dialogue forum to address pressing issues in Kenya, involving political parties, religious groups, civil society, employers, and youth. However, the forum’s kick-off was hindered by discord among leaders. Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who initially supported the dialogue, faced opposition from Azimio principals including Martha Karua (running mate for Azimio in 2022 Presidential elections). A planned meeting of Azimio leaders to unify their stance was unsuccessful. Additionally, youths rejected Ruto’s move to include political players in the dialogue, and accused Raila of hijacking their movement and siding with oppressors. They continued calling for government action on good governance and the arrest of rogue police officers.
On July 23, KTN News aired Spice FM’s engaging opposition party leader, Martha Karua on the calls for dialogue and a broad-based government. Ms Karua argued that Azimio affiliate parties maintained a stance of no dialogue, citing that previously their arm was twisted by the same government. She urged the old political class to listen to the youth and give way to them. In a further move by politicians to address the youth grievances, on 25 July the Senate approved a motion proposing a number of reparation measures and engaging the House to hold and conclude in 30 days wide stakeholders’ consultations on issues such as: Public Debt, Public Finance Management, Security Sector Reform, fighting corruption, equal opportunities, public participation and stakeholders’ engagement, Health Sector Reform, and Education Sector Reform.
Concluding observations
The unrest of June-July 2024 in Kenya, triggered by the controversial financial bill 2024, is rooted in widespread grievances against the general raise of prices, the reduced or dysfunctional social services, and the sense of rampant corruption in all spheres of government institutions. However, the platform of revindications put forward by the Gen-Z movement reflected a notable attention to the needs and interests of a wide but still poor, mostly urban, “middle class” – teachers, doctors, civil servants, house dwellers, schooling parents, journalists, etc. This is a peculiar aspect of the crisis that is significant for a number of reasons.
First of all, the protests were not following the traditional ethnic divide. Already in the 2022 general elections the two presidential contestants were not aligning with the traditional cleavage between Kikuyus, Kalenjins, Luos and others. The ethnic lines were blurred across the two coalitions and the socio-economic agenda was prominent in the electoral discourse (and in Ruto’s victory). The increased stratification of Kenya’s society, and the consolidation of this trend in the 2024 protests marks a significant shift in the political dynamics of Kenya, especially among the young generations, notably urban, who feel less concerned by the traditional identity lines and more by their concrete living conditions and expectations. Their calls to reinstate social protection measures like school feeding and “Linda Mama” schemes were cases in point.
Secondly, the June riots are fundamentally different from a typical “bread rebellion” against the high cost of staple food. It was a, yet spontaneous but quickly well organised, reaction against hard economic measures that hit particularly the urban middle-class made of students, teachers, doctors, journalists, lawyers, etc. in short those who are short-sightedly perceived as the primary taxpayers to squeeze to solve the debt crunch of the country. Despite the protest did not necessarily reflect the interests of the entire population -typical land and farming/pastoralism issues were absent from the revendications- its effect on the political landscape has been huge, if not revolutionary. The immediate support to the youth claims by influential segments of the society, especially the media, the health/education/ justice sectors’ professionals, and even the faith congregations, amplified enormously the reach of the protest.
Thirdly, the protest moved quickly from the rejection to the Financial Bill 2024 to a much broader and detailed anti-corruption drive asking for sacking corrupt MPs and officials; removing ‘1st ladies” privileges; taking them to justice; auditing public accounts; reducing MPs and top officials’ salaries; etc. Five out of fourteen “non-negotiable demands” of Gen Z platform were against corruption and bad governance. The expansion of the protest’s agenda overlapped with pre-existing political revendications of the Azimio opposition, for instance the call for reinstating the electoral Commission (IEBC) and organising fresh elections. Here, the issue of potential political instrumentalization of the protest came into the picture, but the dynamics were not univocal. indeed, the course of events that culminated in the looting and destruction of public offices, particularly the Parliament, showed the availability of marginalised groups to violent solutions and the distance of young activists from the institutions of democracy.
Finally, the modality of the protest, based mostly on the creative use of internet and social media, its communication ability, the informality and coordination of the leadership groups, the refusal of traditional forms of negotiation and co-optation, and the repeated appeals to the justice sector to prosecute human right abuses and bad governance, have all represented a total novelty in the societal and political dynamics of the country. In the fear of a sort of “Arab spring” spiral, President Ruto quickly conceded to a number of Gen Z requests and the Parliament (the Senate) took bold decisions in an attempt to restore the credibility of elected institutions and the democratic process. Initially, the government tried to put the blame on external factors such as the “debt crisis” or even it alluded to external actors fuelling the protests with technical and financial support, but in the end the perseverance and peacefulness of demonstrators made justice of such explanations.
The time and the upcoming months will tell how much of the described new societal and political dynamic will translate into real transformation of the political game, the economic governance, the participation into public policy decisions and, in the end, the way democracy functions and deliver for the people of Kenya. So far, the attempts to open space for dialogues at various levels have not yielded much.
The ongoing transformational process needs to be nurtured and accompanied by dedicated action of a panoply of actors. On the basis of the experience with supporting the 2022 electoral process, and particularly of preventing electoral violence through engagement with civil society, local leaders, the youth and other marginalized groups, the European Centre for Electoral Support has proposed a “Pro-Dialogue Kenya” initiative that aim at mobilizing information, communication, education and dialogue platforms to allow the proper participation of youth and community actors to the rebuilding of Kenya democratic institutions and societal harmony after the June-July overhaul. The continued use of social media and of new forms of communication, including arts and musical expression, is part of the endeavor but not just it.
So far, the international partners of Kenya have kept an observing mood to avoid any risk of instrumentalization or being seen as mingling with internal conflicts of the country. However, the post-crisis process and the perspective of a new round of elections in 2027 require that appropriate resources and initiatives are put at the disposal of virtuous Kenyan stakeholders to promote dialogue, participation and peaceful engagement.
- The article is written by the authors with the support of the European Centre for Electoral Support.
[1] “Instead of keeping quiet, let us speak! Our voice must be heard. We can create a disruption through the hashtag: #RejectFinanceBill2024 @BillowKerrow @HonWamboka @HEBabuOwino.” Later, he tweeted: “Even as Azimio plans to troubleshoot the Finance Bill, 2024, my unbowed position is #RejectFinanceBill2024.”
